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Iran–Israel proxy conflict – Wikipedia
Iran–Israel proxy conflictIsrael (orange) and Iran (green) shown within the Middle EastDate16 February 1985 – ongoing(36 years, 7 months, 3 weeks and 4 days)LocationWestern AsiaStatus
Iran reinforces Syrian government and Hezbollah
Israel tries to prevent weapon transfers to Hezbollah
2006 Lebanon War ends in military stalemate
Beginning of the ongoing Gaza–Israel conflict in June 2006
Israel tries to stop Iranian nuclear program
Iran grows major spheres of influence in the Middle East
Formation of the Arab−Israeli allianceBelligerents
Hamas (2006–2011; 2017–present except Yemen)
Supporting Iranian Proxies:
Sudan (until 2015)
Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic
United Arab Emirates
Yemen (pro-Hadi Cabinet)
Commanders and leaders
Ali Khamenei(Supreme Leader of Iran) Ebrahim Raisi(President of Iran) Hassan Rouhani(2013–2021) Mahmoud Ahmadinejad(2005–2013) Hassan Nasrallah(Secretary-General of Hezbollah) Ismail Haniyeh(Hamas leader) Khaled Meshaal(Hamas leader; 2006-2011)
Ahmad Sa’adat (PFLP Leader)
Ziyad al-Nakhalah (PIJ Leader)
Naftali Bennett (Prime Minister of Israel) Ariel Sharon (2005–2006) Ehud Olmert (2006–2009) Benjamin Netanyahu (2009–2021) Maryam Rajavi(MEK and NCRI leader) Mustafa Hijri(KDPI leader) Muhammad Dhahir Baluch (Jondalla leader)
The Iran–Israel proxy conflict,  also known as the Iran–Israel proxy war or Iran–Israel Cold War,  is an ongoing proxy war between Iran and Israel. The conflict involves threats and hostility by Iran’s leaders against Israel, and their declared objective to dissolve the Jewish state.  Iran has provided funding, weapons and training to groups, including Lebanese Hezbollah,  Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ) both in the Gaza Strip, which have vowed and carried out attacks on Israel, and which have been designated terrorist organisations by many countries. Because of Iran’s hostility to Israel, Israel is also concerned by Iran’s nuclear weapons program and missile program, and is seeking to downgrade Iran’s allies and proxies, as well as preventing Iranian entrenchment in Syria, another sworn enemy of Israel.
Iran’s hostility towards Israel followed the 1979 Iranian Revolution, and expanded into covert Iranian support of Hezbollah during the South Lebanon conflict (1985–2000) and by 2005 developed into a proxy regional conflict. In 2006, Iran was actively involved in supporting Hezbollah during the 2006 Lebanon War and in parallel began supporting Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ), especially in the Gaza Strip. Israel, on the other hand, initiated a campaign to harm the Iranian nuclear program, utilizing several anti-regime militias within Iran. Upon the onset of the Syrian Civil War, the conflict escalated and by 2018 turned into direct Iranian-Israeli warfare.
Israel in turn supports anti-Iranian rebel groups, such as the People’s Mujahedin of Iran,  opposes Iran’s nuclear program, and maintains ties with other rivals of Iran such as Saudi Arabia and the United States. The involvement of both countries in the Syrian Civil War creates possibilities for direct conflict between the two countries.  Israel has supported and conducted assassinations and attacks against Iranian targets directly.  Israel has also conducted cyber warfare against Iran, and has publicly advocated for international military action against Iran. 
Israel has accused Iran of attempting to form a continuous land transport route from Iran via Iraq and Syria into Lebanon,  which Israel views as a significant strategic threat. 
Iranian leaders have described Israel as an illegitimate “Zionist regime” and have accused Israel of being an American client state hostile to Muslims. 
Ruhollah Khomeini was critical of Israel before he became Iran’s Supreme Leader in 1979. He criticized the Pahlavi dynasty Iran’s ties with Israel, viewing Israel as a supporter of the Pahlavi regime.  Following the 1979 Iranian Revolution, Khomeini’s new government adopted a policy of hostility towards Israel. Iran withdrew recognition of Israel as a state, and severed all diplomatic, commercial and other ties with Israel,  referring to its government as the “Zionist regime” and Israel as “occupied Palestine”.
The 1982 Israeli invasion of Lebanon resulted in the Palestine Liberation Organization’s (PLO) departure from Lebanon. The following creation of Security Zone in South Lebanon has benefited Israeli allies in Lebanon and civilian Israeli population, as Galilee suffered less violent attacks by Hezbollah, than previously by PLO in the 1970s (hundreds of Israeli civilian casualties). Despite this Israeli success in eradicating PLO bases and partial withdraw in 1985, the Israeli invasion had actually increased the severity of conflict with local Lebanese militias and resulted in the consolidation of several local Shia Muslim movements in Lebanon, including Hezbollah and Amal, from a previously unorganized guerrilla movement in the south. Over the years, military casualties of both sides grew higher, as both parties used more modern weaponry, and Hezbollah progressed in its tactics.
Iran supplied the militant organization Hezbollah with substantial amounts of financial, training, weapons, explosives, political, diplomatic, and organizational aid while persuading Hezbollah to take an action against Israel.  Hezbollah’s 1985 manifesto listed its four main goals as “Israel’s final departure from Lebanon as a prelude to its final obliteration” According to reports released in February 2010, Hezbollah received $400 million from Iran.  By the early 1990s, Hezbollah, with support from Syria and Iran, emerged as the leading group and military power, monopolizing the directorship of the guerrilla activity in South Lebanon.
In January 2014, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu warned that Iran’s nuclear program would only be set back six weeks as a result of its interim agreement with the international community. 
In one of the region’s oddest pairings, Israel and the Gulf Arab states led by Saudi Arabia increasingly are finding common ground — and a common political language — on their mutual dismay over the prospect of a nuclear deal in Geneva that could curb Tehran’s atomic program but leave the main elements intact, such as uranium enrichment.  In June 2017, former Israeli Defense Minister Moshe Ya’alon stated that “We and the Arabs, the same Arabs who organized in a coalition in the Six-Day War to try to destroy the Jewish state, today find themselves in the same boat with us … The Sunni Arab countries, apart from Qatar, are largely in the same boat with us since we all see a nuclear Iran as the number one threat against all of us, “. 
With the election of Iranian hardliner Mahmoud Ahmadinejad in 2005, relations between Iran and Israel became increasingly tense as the countries engaged in a series of proxy conflicts and covert operations against each other.
An RPG missile launcher with a symbol of Iran displayed by Israel as “found in Lebanon during the 2006 Lebanon War”.
During the 2006 Lebanon War, Iranian Revolutionary Guards were believed to have directly assisted Hezbollah fighters in their attacks on Israel. Multiple sources suggested that hundreds of Revolutionary Guard operatives participated in the firing of rockets into Israel during the war, and secured Hezbollah’s long-range missiles. Revolutionary Guard operatives were allegedly seen operating openly at Hezbollah outposts during the war. In addition, Revolutionary Guard operatives were alleged to have supervised Hezbollah’s attack on the INS Hanit with a C-802 anti-ship missile. The attack severely damaged the warship and killed four crewmen. It is alleged that between six and nine Revolutionary Guard operatives were killed by the Israeli military during the war According to the Israeli media their bodies were transferred to Syria and from there, flown to Tehran.  On 6 September 2007, the Israeli Air Force destroyed a suspected nuclear reactor in Syria, with ten North Koreans reportedly killed. 
During and immediately after the Gaza War, the Israeli Air Force, with the assistance of Israeli commandos, was reported to have allegedly carried out three airstrikes against Iranian arms being smuggled to Hamas through Sudan, as Iran launched an intensive effort to supply Hamas with weapons and ammunition. Israel hinted that it was behind the attacks. Two truck convoys were destroyed, and an arms-laden ship was sunk in the Red Sea. 
On 4 November 2009, Israel captured a ship in the eastern Mediterranean Sea and its cargo of hundreds of tons of weapons allegedly bound from Iran to Hezbollah.
In 2010, a wave of assassinations targeting Iranian nuclear scientists began. The assassinations were widely believed to be the work of Mossad, Israel’s foreign intelligence service. According to Iran and global media sources, the methods used to kill the scientists is reminiscent of the way Mossad had previously assassinated targets. The assassinations were alleged to be an attempt to stop Iran’s nuclear program, or to ensure that it cannot recover following a strike on Iranian nuclear facilities.  In the first attack, particle physicist Masoud Alimohammadi was killed on 12 January 2010 when a booby-trapped motorcycle parked near his car exploded. On 12 October 2010, an explosion occurred at an IRGC military base near the city of Khorramabad, killing 18 soldiers.  On 29 November 2010, two senior Iranian nuclear scientists, Majid Shahriari and Fereydoon Abbasi, were targeted by hitmen on motorcycles, who attached bombs to their cars and detonated them from a distance. Shahriari was killed, while Abbasi was severely wounded. On 23 July 2011, Darioush Rezaeinejad was shot dead in eastern Tehran. On 11 January 2012, Mostafa Ahmadi Roshan and his driver were killed by a bomb attached to their car from a motorcycle. 
In June 2010 Stuxnet, an advanced computer worm was discovered. It is believed that it had been developed by US and Israel to attack Iran’s nuclear facilities.  In a study conducted by ISIS it is estimated that Stuxnet might have damaged as many as 1, 000 centrifuges (10% of all installed) in the Natanz enrichment plant.  Other computer viruses and malware, including Duqu and Flame, were reportedly related to Stuxnet.  Iran claims that its adversaries regularly engineer sales of faulty equipment and attacks by computer viruses to sabotage its nuclear program. 
On 15 March 2011, Israel seized a ship from Syria bringing Iranian weapons to Gaza.  In addition, the Mossad was also suspected of being responsible for an explosion that reportedly damaged the nuclear facility at Isfahan. Iran denied that any explosion had occurred, but The Times reported damage to the nuclear plant based on satellite images, and quoted Israeli intelligence sources as saying that the blast indeed targeted a nuclear site, and was “no accident”.  Hours after the blast took place, Hezbollah fired two rockets into northern Israel. The Israel Defense Forces reacted by firing four artillery shells at the area from where the launch originated. It was speculated that the attack was ordered by Iran and Syria as a warning to Israel.  The Israeli attack was reported to have killed 7 people, including foreign nationals.  Another 12 people were injured, of whom 7 later died in hospital. 
The Mossad was suspected of being behind an explosion at a Revolutionary Guard missile base in November 2011. The blast killed 17 Revolutionary Guard operatives, including General Hassan Moqaddam, described as a key figure in Iran’s missile program.  Israeli journalist Ron Ben-Yishai wrote that several lower-ranked Iranian missile experts had probably been previously killed in several explosions at various sites. 
In response to Israeli covert operations, Iranian agents reportedly began trying to hit Israeli and Jewish targets; potential targets were then placed on high alert. Yoram Cohen, the head of Shin Bet, claimed that three planned attacks in Turkey, Azerbaijan and Thailand were thwarted at the last minute.  On 11 October 2011, the United States claimed to have foiled an alleged Iranian plot that included bombing the Israeli and Saudi embassies in Washington DC and Buenos Aires. 
On 13 February 2012, Israeli embassy staff in Georgia and India were targeted. In Georgia, a car bomb failed to explode near the embassy and was safely detonated by Georgian police. In India, the car bomb exploded, injuring four people. Amongst the wounded was the wife of an Israeli Defense Ministry employee.  Israel accused Iran of being behind the attacks.  The following day, three alleged Iranian agents were uncovered in Bangkok, Thailand, thought to have been planning to kill Israeli diplomatic officials, including the ambassador, by attaching bombs to embassy cars. The cell was uncovered when one of their bombs exploded. Police responded, and the Iranian agent present at the house threw an explosive device at officers that tore his legs off, and was subsequently taken into custody. A second suspect was arrested as he tried to catch a flight out of the country, and the third escaped to Malaysia, where he was arrested by Royal Malaysian Police.  Thai police subsequently arrested two people suspected of involvement.  Indian police arrested a Delhi-based journalist in connection with February’s car bomb, which injured four Israelis including the wife of an Israeli diplomat. Syed Mohammed Kazmi the journalist was arrested on 6 March 2012, he is said to have been in contact with a suspect police believe might have stuck a magnetic bomb to the diplomat’s car. It is said Kazmi was an Indian citizen who worked for an Iranian publication. 
In late February 2012, WikiLeaks published confidential emails from Stratfor, a US-based private intelligence company, which were stolen by the hacking group Anonymous. Among the information released was a claim that Israeli commandos, in collaboration with Kurdish fighters, destroyed several underground Iranian facilities used for nuclear and defense research projects. 
On 18 July 2012, a bus carrying Israeli tourists in Bulgaria was destroyed in a bombing attack that killed five Israeli tourists and the driver, and injured 32 people. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu blamed Iran and Hezbollah for the attack.  In July 2012, a senior Israeli defense official stated that since May 2011, more than 20 terrorist attacks planned by Iranians or suspected Hezbollah agents against Israeli targets worldwide had been foiled, including in South Africa, Azerbaijan, Kenya, Turkey, Thailand, Cyprus, Bulgaria, Nepal, Nigeria, and Peru, and that Iranian and Hezbollah operatives were incarcerated in jails throughout the world. 
On 6 October 2012, Israeli airplanes shot down a small UAV as it flew over northern Negev.  Hezbollah confirmed it sent the drone and Nasrallah said in a televised speech that the drone’s parts were manufactured in Iran. 
On 24 October 2012, Sudan claimed that Israel had bombed a munitions factory, allegedly belonging to Iran’s Revolutionary Guard, south of Khartoum. 
In November 2012, Israel reported that an Iranian ship was being loaded with rockets to be exported to countries within range of Israel and that Israel “will attack and destroy any shipment of arms”. 
In January 2013, rumors were released that the Fordow Fuel Enrichment Plant had been hit by an explosion. Further reports by IAEA concluded that there had been no such incident. 
On 25 April 2013, Israeli aircraft shot down a drone off the coast of Haifa, allegedly belonging to Hezbollah. 
On 7 May 2013, residents of Tehran reported hearing three blasts in an area where Iran maintains its missile research and depots. Later, an Iranian website said the blasts occurred at a privately owned chemical factory. 
On 10 December, Hamas announced that they have resumed ties with Iran after a brief cut off over the Syrian conflict 
A court in Jerusalem has sentenced an Israeli man, Yitzhak Bergel to four-and-a-half years in prison for offering to spy for Iran. Bergel belongs to the anti-Zionist Neturei Karta, an ultra-Orthodox Jewish sect which is vehemently opposed to the State of Israel’s existence. 
On 5 March 2014, the Israeli navy intercepted the Klos-C cargo ship. Israel stated Iran was using the vessel to smuggle dozens of long-range rockets to Gaza, including Syrian-manufactured M-302 rockets. The operation, named Full Disclosure and carried out by Shayetet 13 special forces, took place in the Red Sea, 1, 500 kilometers away from Israel and some 160 kilometers from Port Sudan. 
Iranian state media reported that on 24 August 2014, IRGC had shot down an Israeli drone near Natanz fuel enrichment plant. Israeli military did not comment on the reports. 
Two workers were killed in an explosion that took place at a military explosives factory southeast of Tehran, near the suspected nuclear reactor in Parchin.  In what seemed to be a response ordered by Iran,  Hezbollah set off an explosive device on the border between Lebanon and the Israeli-controlled side of the Shebaa farms, wounding two Israeli soldiers. Israel responded with artillery fire toward two Hezbollah positions in southern Lebanon. 
It was reported that the Mossad stole nuclear secrets from a secure warehouse in Tehran in January 2018. According to reports, the agents came in a truck semitrailer at midnight, cut into dozens of safes with “high intensity torches”, and carted out “50, 000 pages and 163 compact discs of memos, videos and plans” before leaving in time to make their escape when the guards came for the morning shift at 7 am.  According to the Israelis, the documents and files (which it shared with European countries and the United States),  demonstrated that the Iranian AMAD Project aimed to develop nuclear weapons, that Iran had a nuclear program when it claimed to have “largely suspended it”, and that there were two nuclear sites in Iran that had been hidden from inspectors.  This was followed by the Trump administration withdrawing the United States from the JCPOA and reimposing US sanctions on Iran.  Shortly after retiring as head of Mossad, Yossi Cohen admitted he oversaw the operation to steal the Iranian documents during a televised interview in June 2021. 
During the Syrian civil war
Israel and Syria have observed a truce since Israel reaffirmed its control over most of the Golan Heights in the 1973 Yom Kippur War, but the Syrian Civil War, which began in 2011, has led to several incidents of fire exchange across the once-peaceful borders. The Israeli military is reportedly preparing itself for potential threats should there be a power vacuum in Syria. “After Assad and after establishing or strengthening their foothold in Syria, they are going to move and deflect their effort and attack Israel, ” an Israeli official told The Associated Press in January 2014. Some experts say that while the encroaching militant forces on Israel’s border will heighten security measures, the advancements are not likely to create significant changes to Israel’s policy disengagement in the Syria crisis. 
In the Syrian Civil War, hoping to bolster its logistics and force projection capabilities in the area, Tehran aims to clear a path from the Iranian capital to Damascus and the Mediterranean coast.  Israeli government is convinced that Iran is interested in creating territorial contiguity from Iran to the Mediterranean and in transferring military forces – including naval vessels, fighter planes and thousands of troops – to permanent bases in Syria and is trying to “Lebanonize” Syria and take over using Shi’ite militias, as it had done with Hezbollah in Lebanon.  As Israeli Defence Minister Avigdor Lieberman has warned, “everything possible will be done to prevent the existence of a Shi’ite corridor from Tehran to Damascus”.  In 2017, Israeli intelligence discovered an Iranian base being built in Syria just 50 km from the Israeli border. 
Covert operations (2013–2017)
On several occasions between 2013 and 2017 Israel reportedly carried out or supported attacks on Hezbollah and Iranian targets within Syrian territories or Lebanon. One of the first reliably reported incidents took place on 30 January 2013, when Israeli aircraft struck a Syrian convoy allegedly transporting Iranian weapons to Hezbollah.  Habitually, Israel refused to comment on the incident, a stance that is believed to seek to ensure that the Syrian government did not feel obliged to retaliate. 
More incidents were attributed to IAF on May 2013, December 2014 and April 2015. Some of those reports were confirmed by the Syrian Arab Republic, whereas others were denied. Israel systematically refused to comment on alleged targeting of Hezbollah and Ba’athist Syrian targets in Syrian territory. In 2015, suspected Hezbollah militants launched a retaliatory attack on Israeli forces in Shebaa farms as a response to an Israeli airstrike in the Syrian Golan that killed Hezbollah and IRGC senior operatives. In March 2017, Syria launched anti-aircraft missiles towards the Israeli-controlled part of the Golan Heights, allegedly targeting Israeli IAF aircraft, which Syria claimed were on their way to attack targets in Palmyra in Syria. After the incident, the State of Israel stated it was targeting weapons shipments headed toward anti-Israeli forces, specifically Hezbollah, located in Lebanon. Israel denied Syria’s claim that one jet fighter was shot down and another damaged. Israel has not reported any pilots or aircraft missing in Syria, or anywhere else in the Middle East following the incident. According to some sources, the incident was the first time Israeli officials clearly confirmed an Israeli strike on a Hezbollah convoy during the Syrian Civil War.  As of September 2017, this was the only time such confirmation was issued.
Open engagement (2017–2018)
Beginning in January 2017, the Israeli Air Force began flying almost daily attack missions against Iranian targets in Syria, dropping about 2, 000 bombs in 2018 alone. Some Iranian targets were also attacked by Israeli surface-to-surface missiles or in raids by Israeli special forces. According to former IDF Chief of Staff Gadi Eizenkot, the decision to strike Iranian bases in Syria was made after Iran changed its strategy in 2016 as the US-led military intervention against ISIL was drawing to an end, planning to exploit the power vacuum to establish hegemony in Syria, building bases and bringing in foreign Shiite fighters. Although the full extent of the campaign would not be revealed until 2019, by early December 2017 the Israeli Air Force confirmed it had attacked arms convoys of Ba’athist Syria and Lebanon’s Hezbollah nearly 100 times during more than six years of the conflict in Syria. In January 2019, outgoing IDF Chief of Staff Gadi Eizenkot claimed that up to that point, only a few dozen Iranian military personnel had been killed in the attacks, as Israel had taken care to primarily target Iranian infrastructure while sparing personnel so as not to give Iran any pretext to retaliate. 
Syria, Iraq and Lebanon (2019–2020)
In July 2019, it was reported that Israel had expanded its strikes against Iranian missile shipments to Iraq, with Israeli F-35 combat planes allegedly striking Iranian targets in Iraq twice. 
Israeli airstrikes reportedly targeted Iran-backed militias in Iraq during 2019. 
On September 16, 2019, air strikes, targeting three positions of the Iranian Revolutionary Guards and allied Iraqi militias, killed at least 10 pro-Iranian militiamen in Albu Kamal, Syria. The strikes were allegedly blamed on Israel.  According to the time, the increase of Iran-Israel tension concurs with discussion of a possible rapprochement between Iran and the U. S. 
Israeli aircraft or drones attacked a Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) position in Qousaya, located in the Beqaa Valley of Lebanon, close to the border with Syria on Sunday night, 26 August 2019, according to Lebanese media reports. The attack came a day after two drones exploded in the Lebanese capital Beirut. 
According to an official from the Palestinian position in the town three air strikes hit the PFLP-GC military position in Quasaya early morning 26 August 2019 causing only material damage. 
In the first half of 2020, Israel continued to target Iranian weapon depots in Syria. 
On 27 July 2020, explosions and exchange of fire were heard during a “security incident” at the border between the Israeli-occupied Golan Heights and Lebanon.  The incident involved Israeli soldiers and four Hezbollah fighters who allegedly crossed the border, and came days after a Hezbollah member was killed by Israeli airstrikes in Syria and an Israeli drone crashed in Lebanon.  The Israel Defense Forces said that there were no Israeli casualties and that the four Hezbollah fighters fled back to Lebanon after being shot at. However, Hezbollah denied that their forces attacked the Israeli army, and said that their fighters had not crossed the border in a released statement. The group said that Israel opened fire first. Two dozen explosions were heard in Lebanon; an Israeli shell smashed in a civilian home, narrowly missing a family in the house at the time, but nobody was hurt. 
Cyberwarfare and sabotage in 2020
On May 9, 2020, Israel was reportedly behind a cyberattack that disrupted the Shahid Rajaee port in the Strait of Hormuz, causing traffic jams of delivery trucks and delays in shipments. It was suggested the attack was a response to a failed Iranian cyberattack on an Israeli water facility of the Sharon central region in April. 
In June and July, a series of explosions targeted Iran’s nuclear and missile programs and various other infrastructure. There were accidents and damages reported in the Parchin military complex near Tehran on 26 June, the Sina At’har clinic in northern Tehran on 30 June,  the Natanz nuclear facility on 2 July, the Shahid Medhaj power plant (Zargan) in Ahvaz and the Karun petrochemical center in the city of Mahshahr on 4 July. It has been speculated that Israel was involved,  and the damage at the centrifuge plant in Natanz alone could delay the Iranian nuclear weapons program by one or two years, according to intelligence officials.  On July 6, another explosion occurred at the Sepahan Boresh factory in the city of Baqershahr.  On July 9, explosions were reported at a missile depot belonging to Iran’s Revolutionary Guards Corps west of Tehran.  On July 11, an explosion took place at the basement of an old two-story house containing gas cylinders in northern Tehran.  On July 12, a fire broke out at the Shahid Tondgooyan Petrochemical Company in southwest Iran.  On July 13, an explosion occurred at a gas condensate plant of the Kavian Fariman industrial zone in the Razavi Khorasan Province.  On July 15, a large fire broke out at a shipyard in the city of Bushehr, spreading to seven wooden boats.  On July 18, an oil pipeline exploded in the Ahvaz region in southern Iran.  On July 19, another explosion took place in a power station in Isfahan.  Later in the day, a large fire was registered at a cellophane or yarn factory near the city of Tabriz in northwest Iran. 
Mohsen Fakhrizadeh, head of Iran’s nuclear weapons program, was assassinated on 27 November 2020 in Absard. 
Attacks on ships and incidents in 2021
Israeli commandos carried out attacks which damaged numerous Iranian cargo ships carrying oil and weapons to Syria from late 2019 to 2021.  Israeli-owned ships were attacked in the Gulf of Oman and the Arabian Sea, allegedly by Iran.  Israel was also reportedly behind an attack on an Iranian intelligence ship of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps Navy in the Red Sea, which was heavily damaged by a limpet mine in April 2021. 
On 10 April 2021, Iran began injecting uranium hexaflouride gas into advanced IR-6 and IR- 5 centrifuges at Natanz, but an accident occurred in the electricity distribution network the next day due to Mossad activity, according to Western and Iranian sources.  In what seemed to be an Iranian response, an Israeli-owned ship was attacked by a missile or a drone near the shores of the Fujairah emirate in the United Arab Emirates on April 13, causing light damage to the vessel.  On 24 April, an Iranian fuel tanker was reportedly attacked off the Syrian coast by an Israeli drone, causing damages but no casualties.  On May 7, a massive fire broke out in Iran’s southwestern city of Bushehr near the only functioning nuclear power plant of the country. The IRGC-affiliated Tasnim News Agency reported that the fire was intentional, although its cause was unknown.  On May 9, an explosion occurred at an oil tanker off the coast of Syria, causing a small fire in one of its engines.  On May 23, at least nine people were injured in a blast at an Iranian plant that reportedly produces UAVs in Isfahan. The blast occurred after Prime Minister Netanyahu said a drone armed with explosives that was downed by Israeli forces earlier in the week was launched by Iran toward Israel from either Syria or Iraq, amid the fighting in Gaza.  On May 26, an explosion took place at a petrochemical complex in the city of Asaluyeh in southern Iran, killing a worker and injuring two.  On June 2, a fire broke out at an Iranian navy vessel, the IRIS Kharg, near the port of Jask in the Gulf of Oman, although the entire crew was able to safely disembark before the ship sank.  Later in the day there was a gas leak at an oil refinery in Tehran which caused a massive fire. No injuries were reported.  An explosion took place at the Zarand Iranian Steel Company in eastern Iran on June 5.  On June 20, it was reported that Iran’s sole nuclear power plant at Bushehr underwent an emergency shutdown that would last between three and four days.  On June 23, a major damage was caused to one of the buildings of Iran’s Atomic Energy Organization, although Iranian authorities denied there was any damage or casualties as a result of the sabotage attempt.  On July 3, an Israeli-owned cargo ship was struck by an “unknown weapon” in the northern Indian Ocean, causing a fire to erupt onboard the vessel, although no injuries were reported. Israeli sources suspect that Iran was behind the attack.  On July 5, a large fire was reported at a warehouse or factory near the city of Karaj, where an alleged previous attack targeted a nuclear facility reportedly used to produce centrifuges.  Iranian media reported an explosion on 14 July at an office building in western Tehran, causing heavy damage to part of the building.  On 29 July, an Israeli-operated oil tanker was attacked near the coast of Oman. According to senior Israeli officials, the attack was conducted by Iran.  On 10 August, a major explosion took place on a commercial ship docked at the Latakia port in Syria. Some reports identified the targeted ship as Iranian.  The same day a fire broke out at an Iranian petrochemical factory on Khark Island in the Persian Gulf.  On 26 September, three people were injured in a fire at an IRGC research center west of Tehran. 
Iranian supporters and alleged proxies
Iran and Syria are close strategic allies, and Iran has provided significant support for the Syrian government in the Syrian Civil War, including logistical, technical and financial support, as well as training and so
Proxies from Israel |PremProxy.com
Proxy Servers Types
High-anonymous (or elite) proxy never returns any “proxy” variables in reply to HHTP head request, nor your real IP address. If the remote host does not check incoming IPs against list of known proxies it can not detect the such type of proxy.
In a figurative sense, anonymous proxy says “I am a proxy” in HTTP headers. Your real IP address is not transmitted, but any host can detect (using the simplest algorithms) that you are using a proxy server.
Transparent proxies shows its IP address in ‘REMOTE_ADDR’ variable and your IP in HTTP headers in some variables (for example in ‘HTTP_VIA’).